Journalist Alyona Nevmerzhytska has been at the helm of Hromadske, one of Ukraine’s leading independent media organisations, since 2022. In an interview, during which an air-raid siren sounded in Kyiv, she talks about how the war has transformed the Ukrainian media landscape, why journalists must continue to expose corruption even during Russia’s invasion, how they are combating disinformation, and why foreign support is vital for independent media.
How has the Ukrainian media landscape changed since 2014, and in particular, since the start of the full-scale invasion in 2022?
2014 was the year of the Revolution of Dignity and Euromaidan, whilst 2022 was the year of the full-scale invasion. In reality, however, we have been living in a state of war since 2014. As for the Ukrainian media landscape, between 2014 and 2022 it was largely dominated by oligarch-owned television stations. It was evident how their owners were attempting to influence the political agenda and public opinion in favour of specific politicians.
Since 2022, the situation has been different. There is now the “United News Marathon”, in which the main television channels have joined forces to form a single news stream. Its content is now distinctly pro-government. Some people even describe it as government propaganda.
At the same time, since 2022, independent media have begun to receive more international support. The voice of media outlets that are not backed by oligarchs has grown louder.
What works better with readers these days: breaking news or in-depth investigative reports?
Both have their place. News stories attract more readers to the website. That’s only natural. But when a truly high-quality investigation or a powerful report is produced, it can have a huge impact and spark a major public debate. That’s why we do both.
“We don’t want anyone to get rich off military contracts”
I assume this was also the case with your investigation into the abductions of Ukrainian children who were taken to Russia and Russian-occupied territories.
We published the investigation into the abductions of Ukrainian children in 2023. It was an extremely demanding piece of work, not least emotionally. Our team subsequently managed to return one child to their family. The child now lives in Georgia with their grandmother and, according to psychologists, their condition is improving. It was a very powerful experience.
What is the most sensitive topic for the Ukrainian media to cover today?
It is corruption. That is a very sensitive topic. Nevertheless, we must carry out anti-corruption investigations.
People who become the subject of an investigation often try to influence journalists. Sometimes they even claim that criticism during the war helps Russia. But we carry out these investigations for Ukraine. We do not want anyone to get rich from military contracts or from corruption during the war. If an investigation uncovers corruption and results in the dismissal of those responsible, or the launch of a criminal investigation, then we know that publishing the findings was the right thing to do.
The media as part of the country’s defence
There is frequent discussion in European countries about the influence of Russian propaganda. Czechia, where our organisation is based, is no exception. How does your editorial team combat disinformation?
Russia invests enormous resources into spreading disinformation. And it is much cheaper than waging an actual war.
In Ukraine, our main problem is with anonymous Telegram channels. They are not always explicitly pro-Russian, but they often use highly emotive headlines that provoke fear or panic. People react primarily to emotions. When they see false information, most of them won’t fact-check it. That is why we try to do not only “debunking” – that is, refuting false information – but also what is known as “prebunking”.
What do you mean by that?
The aim is to prepare people for possible scenarios before they actually happen. For example, if we know that Russia might attack the water supply infrastructure, we’ll publish practical guides on how to prepare, where to get water and what to do in the event of a disruption.
We took the same approach during the attacks on the energy infrastructure. We explained to people how the electricity grid works, how to prepare for power cuts, and how to manage daily life during crisis situations. The aim is not to cause panic. The aim is for people to be prepared.
It is also often said that Ukraine is successfully defending itself not only thanks to its army, but thanks to society as a whole. What role do the media play in this?
I think a very important one. When the full-scale invasion began, people sent us a huge amount of information from the occupied territories. Thanks to this, we knew what was happening in Irpin, Bucha, and other towns.
At that time, the media not only relayed information, but also highlighted the courage of ordinary people. We reported stories of people who stopped Russian tanks or helped their neighbours survive the first weeks of the war. We wanted the whole world to see that Ukraine was defending itself. Ukrainian society and the media came together as a single force at that time.
How has Ukraine’s role changed since then? Could it be said that it is transforming from a recipient of aid into a guarantor of European security?
The experience we are going through in Ukraine today is unique. Power cuts, disinformation campaigns, and direct military aggression are things that most of Europe has not experienced since the Second World War.
Ukraine is developing very rapidly today. We have a rapidly growing defence industry, particularly in the field of drones. We are introducing new technologies very quickly, in both the military and civilian spheres.
And it is a fact that Europe is not currently experiencing a full-scale war with Russia partly because we are the ones fighting. If Ukraine falls, war will come to Europe.